https://epubs.ac.za/index.php/newagenda/issue/feedNew Agenda: South African Journal of Social and Economic Policy2024-12-09T08:22:33+00:00Moira Levyproduction@ifaaza.orgOpen Journal Systems<p>NEW AGENDA is an <strong>Open Access,</strong> peer-reviewed journal and is accredited by the Department of Higher Education and Training (DHET). The journal’s focus encompasses South African, African and international developments in social and economic research and policy. It aims to provide high-quality pertinent information and analysis for stakeholders in government, academia and civil society. </p> <p>New Agenda is the flagship publication of the Institute for African Alternatives (IFAA). IFAA is dedicated to promoting economic transformation, non-racialism, anti-racism and gender equality, continental solidarity and African self-reliance, and youth participation in political and social discourse.</p>https://epubs.ac.za/index.php/newagenda/article/view/2604Editorial board and credits2024-12-06T09:48:21+00:00Moira Levyproduction@ifaaza.orgMartin Nicolmnicol@web.net2024-12-09T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2024 Moira Levy, Martin Nicolhttps://epubs.ac.za/index.php/newagenda/article/view/2324Dear Comrade President2024-12-09T08:22:33+00:00Debbie Budlenderproduction@ifaaza.org<p>At 372 pages of main text, and about 70 further pages of appendices, notes and index, this book is densely packed with information. It is also packed with characters, events and developments that are relatively well known together with others that will be new to many readers. The book bears the stamp of its dedicated author, but the stamp of Albie Sachs, credited on the cover and in the text for “editorial contributions”, is also evident. Indeed, Albie makes regular appearances in the story-line, which spans several continents and decades, from beginning to end. It is for this very reason that Odendaal decided he should not be a co-author.</p>2024-12-09T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2024 Debbie Budlenderhttps://epubs.ac.za/index.php/newagenda/article/view/2572Life Esidimeni2024-12-06T07:59:49+00:00Moira Levyproduction@ifaaza.org<p>It’s hard going, but readers of Life Esidimeni: Portraits of Lives Lost must keep going to the very last page of this book because it is our responsibility as citizens to make sure this tragedy never happens again and that those in positions of authority who abuse their power are called to account. “That is what the inquest has been about – justice through accountability,” Adila Hassim, lead counsel in the Life Esidimeni arbitration and inquest, writes in the closing essay. Hassim reminds us that the Life Esidimeni tragedy would have been avoided if those in charge did what they were supposed to do.</p>2024-12-09T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2024 Moira Levyhttps://epubs.ac.za/index.php/newagenda/article/view/2602The Politics of International Labour Migration and Globalisation in Africa2024-12-06T09:33:34+00:00Sergio Carciottoproduction@ifaaza.org<p>This article examines the intricate relationship between migration, globalisation and socio-economic dynamics in Africa. It highlights the prevalence of intra-African migration, characterised by short-distance movements primarily driven by economic factors. The study critiques the dominant narrative framing migration as a purely developmental tool, arguing that the benefits of remittances and diaspora investments are often overshadowed by structural inequalities and the precarious conditions faced by migrant workers. The article also explores the role of states and international organisations in shaping migration policies, revealing a tension between the aspirations for regional integration and the realities of restrictive immigration practices. Ultimately, it calls for a nuanced understanding of migration that prioritises the rights of migrant workers and advocates for comprehensive governance frameworks to address exploitation and uphold human rights. This reflection contributes to the discourse on migration governance, highlighting the need for a collaborative approach that involves both state and non-state actors to effectively navigate the complexities of migration in the context of globalisation.</p>2024-12-10T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2024 https://epubs.ac.za/index.php/newagenda/article/view/2577Corruption v Democracy - part one2024-12-06T08:35:52+00:00David Lewisproduction@ifaaza.org<p><em>Does corruption undermine democracy? Does democracy constrain corruption? Is democracy a necessary condition for successfully combatting corruption?</em></p> <p>These questions were initially posed from the intensely practical perspective of a non-governmental organisation (NGO) dedicated to combatting corruption. And so, reformulated from that perspective I ask: is it necessary to actively promote democracy in order to combat corruption? Or conversely, does the current global decline in the quality of national democracies compromise the fight against corruption?</p>2024-12-09T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2024 David Lewishttps://epubs.ac.za/index.php/newagenda/article/view/2590Corruption v democracy - part two2024-12-06T09:00:50+00:00David Lewisproduction@ifaaza.org<p>In part two, DAVID LEWIS returns to the question of the relationship between democracy and corruption and argues that for political corruption on the scale he describes in part one to thrive with impunity, democracy would have to be hollowed out.</p>2024-12-09T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2024 https://epubs.ac.za/index.php/newagenda/article/view/2595Corruption v democracy - part three2024-12-06T09:09:45+00:00David Lewisproduction@ifaaza.org<p>For the first time since 1994 the ANC’s share of the national vote has fallen below 50%, declining from 57.5% in 2019 to 40.2% in 2024. As significant, the provincial shares in Gauteng and KwaZulu-Natal (KZN) provinces fell well below 50%, with the recently formed uMkhonto weSizwe (MK) party, led by none other than Jacob Zuma, capturing 45.35% share of the KZN vote and the ANC share dropping from 54.2% to a paltry 16.9%. In Gauteng the ANC’s share of the vote declined from 50.2% to 34.6%. The Democratic Alliance’s (DA’s) share remained approximately stable at 27.5% in Gauteng and 21.8% nationally.<br />The ANC leadership has publicly acknowledged that corruption and, associated with it, extremely poor delivery of social services (largely a provincial and local government responsibility), is a leading cause of the electorate’s devastating judgment. The upshot is that in the national government and in three provinces (Gauteng, KZN and the Northern Cape), the ANC has had to form or constitute part of a coalition government to continue to participate in a majority government.</p>2024-12-09T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2024 https://epubs.ac.za/index.php/newagenda/article/view/2593What to do about the South African economy?2024-12-06T09:07:54+00:00Adam Aboobakerproduction@ifaaza.org<p>It goes without saying that in terms of economic performance South Africa is in dire straits. As many commentators have identified, per capita incomes have stagnated or fallen for over a decade, manufacturing – a sector of historical significance to long-term growth worldwide – has also fared poorly, and the disastrous state of key labor market indicators is known to all. It’s not only the state of the economy that leaves much to be desired; the state of economics commentary also needs to be strengthened through robust debate. Misgovernance and inappropriate policy choices have played a role in economic performance; there is and ought to be extensive conversation about this. For Duma Gqubule1 and several other commentators, the public deficit has been much too low, and it is possible to forecast (to one decimal point) macroeconomic outcomes if the ANC’s macro-policy choices were to persist after five or ten years of a possible coalition between the ANC and the center-right Democratic Alliance. A bigger deficit is seen to be a panacea.</p>2024-12-09T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2024 Adam Aboobakerhttps://epubs.ac.za/index.php/newagenda/article/view/2599Africa holds weak and strong cards2024-12-06T09:29:16+00:00Martin Nicolmnicol@web.net<p>Twenty-five years ago, as a not-so-young economist, I worked as a diplomat for South Africa to promote trade and investment with Canada and the UK. We did not often meet with our African counterparts, as we were competitors, all trying to win over the same foreign investors and purchasers of our exports. In any event South Africa was not popular. It did not even get support from the rest of Africa when it bid to host the 2004 Olympic Games in Cape Town.<br>One exception was in 2000, when Canada organised “Africa Direct” – a week-long early example of an “Africa plus one” event where a rich country (such as Japan,1 China,2 Russia, even Italy3) calls for an economic or diplomatic meeting with “Africa” (see Usman, 2023; Soule, 2021). The rich country sets the agenda and chooses the venue, and all the African delegations come, cap in hand.</p>2024-12-09T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2024 Martin Nicolhttps://epubs.ac.za/index.php/newagenda/article/view/2598The UN has failed in its mission to secure global peace and defend global citizens 2024-12-06T09:24:36+00:00Moira Levyproduction@ifaaza.org<p>The United Nations has clearly failed to uphold even the very first line of its founding Charter, which commits the nations of the world to “save succeeding generations from the scourge of war”, and has shown itself to be entirely ineffective against genocide in Gaza, civil war in Sudan and Congo, bloody assaults by Russia on its neighbour, Ukraine, and hostilities in the Middle East that raise the spectre of a inconceivably disastrous Third World War.</p>2024-12-09T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2024 https://epubs.ac.za/index.php/newagenda/article/view/2596From policy to practice 2024-12-06T09:18:42+00:00Moira Levyproduction@ifaaza.org<p>The festive event incorporated powerful and poignant culture items from women cultural activists. Poets Diana Ferrus and IFAA board member Bernadette Muthien contributed readings of their own work, and Trudy Rushin and daughter Summer Dawn Geffen opened the proceedings with jazz and song. This event was also a collaboration with the Government Communication and Information Services and Parliament’s Public Education Department who arrived in Parliament’s colourful ‘Democracy Bus’. Some of the key organisations present included the Heinrich Böll Stiftung, Ubuntu Rural Women and Youth, and the South African Women’s Law Association.</p>2024-12-09T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2024 https://epubs.ac.za/index.php/newagenda/article/view/2603Africa Diary 2024-12-06T09:35:03+00:00Martin Nicolproduction@ifaaza.org<p>Mauritius ordered all internet service providers to suspend access to social media platforms until a day after the 11 November general election, sparking such outrage from civil society groups that the government of the ruling Militant Socialist Movement (MSM) party was forced to overturn the ruling a day later. “National security” was the reason given by the office of the Prime Minister. As it turned out national security was not at risk. The main opposition party won a landslide victory, preserving an electoral practice of simply and seamlessly alternating power between two dynasties of family leaders since independence from Britain in 1968.</p>2024-12-09T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2024 https://epubs.ac.za/index.php/newagenda/article/view/2576Editorial2024-12-06T08:26:12+00:00Martin Nicolproduction@ifaaza.org<p>In contrast with the doom and gloom of many of the contributions published in a recent issue of New Agenda which marked 30 years of democracy in South Africa, this issue of New Agenda brings a close to the journal for 2024 with a series of articles that reflect and record the fortitude of our democracy, and the people’s determination to defend and preserve it. The Institute for African Alternatives (IFAA) has made the unusual editorial decision of publishing in this issue a comprehensive three-part focus on a subject that has preoccupied us greatly over the past years – the relationship between corruption and democracy.</p>2024-12-09T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2024 Martin Nicol